Human Creation between Reality and Illusion. Front Matter Pages i-viii.
Front Matter Pages ix-ix. Reality and Illusion in the Work of Art. Pages xi-xxv. Front Matter Pages Pages Simulating the Unpresentable and the Sublime. Illusionary Touch, and Touching Illusions. Post-Digital Awareness. Until his death in de Mella remained an undisputed highest authority on Traditionalist political thought,  though since the early s he was withdrawing into privacy.
He dismissed the Primo de Rivera dictatorship with contempt as an attempt falling dramatically short of a fundamental change needed.
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Some students consider him representative of Catholic Traditionalism rooted in Balmesian and Menendezpelayista schools. Traditionalist references are at times applied to CEDA. On the one hand, the emergent Francoism posed as synthesis of all genuinely Spanish political schools, including Traditionalism; the late Pradera was elevated to one of the founding fathers of the system, and some Traditionalist references were ostentatiously boasted as components of the new Spain.
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On the other hand, marginalized Carlism went into intra-system opposition and its leaders lambasted Francoism as incompatible with Traditionalist political outlook. A rather derogatory term "neotradicionalismo" has been coined to denote 21st century Traditionalist approach to Carlist history. The institutional Traditionalist realm itself is made of a number of institutions, periodicals and other initiatives.
Some of them maintain publishing houses and award prizes.
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Longevity of Traditionalism poses two major problems for those willing to discuss its theoretical contents: how to define the borders and how to capture the unalterable nucleus. The Traditionalist doctrine starts with philosophical acknowledgement  that God is the beginning of all things, not only as a creator but also a lawmaker. Some Traditionalists presented the process as social structures built from the bottom until topped by institution of a monarchy, some prefer the option that people entrusted power to kings.
Attempts to define own rules — the Traditionalist reading goes - produced emergence of illegitimate political regimes;  examples are despotic tyrants who claimed own legitimacy or societies, who declared themselves the ultimate source of power. At this point Carlist theorists advanced their own dynastic theory, denying legitimacy to descendants of Fernando VII.
Monarchy not always has been treated in Traditionalist thought with the same emphasis. In general, the focus on royalty decreased over time; while the cornerstone of theories launched in the midth century, in the midth century it gave way to society as an object of primary attention. As exception there were also theorists counted among Traditionalists who remained close to adopting an accidentalist principle. Most Traditionalists claimed that fragmented sovereignty — e. Traditionalist concept of monarchic rule embraced a doctrine of integral and undivided public power; division into legislative,  executive and judicial branches was rejected.
The Traditionalist political doctrine is theocentrist ; it stems from acknowledgement that the entire human order must be based on God as taught by the Roman Catholic Church.
God — with particular emphasis on Jesus Christ — is considered the beginning, the means and the objective of politics. In historiography there are abundant references to theocratic nature of Traditionalism, especially in its Carlist incarnation,  and this opinion has even made it to college textbooks,  though some scholars demonstrate caution  and some reserve the term only for certain branches of Traditionalism.
Though distinct and independent as institutions, the state and the Church are not supposed to be separate; the Traditionalist monarchy is a confessional state, with Church enjoying political, economic  and otherwise support of the state, and the state enjoying pastoral support of the Church. The Church is supposed to retain economic autonomy; expropriations of religious properties, carried out in mid-decades of the 19th century, were viewed as assault on fundamental laws.
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Certain areas of public life, especially culture and education, were approached as jointly controlled by state and Church, though visions as to specific regulations might have differed. The Traditionalist vision of religion and Church was incompatible either with Conservative, Liberal or Christian Democratic  principles, lambasted as anti-Christian and revolutionary. Unlike the questions of monarchy or society, this of a state has usually  been played down by Traditionalist writers; the phenomenon has even prompted one of their present-day theorists to make a reservation that Traditionalists are not enemies of the state.
According to the Traditionalists a state, and the Spanish state in particular, developed in line with natural law in course of the centuries; it is hence defined by history and tradition. Whenever they refer to a constitution, they usually mean a historical process,  not a documented set of agreed principles. The latter is generally deemed not only unnecessary but in fact unacceptable as embodiment of erroneous theories, chiefly this of a national sovereignty and this of a social contract. In case of Spanish Traditionalists the relationship between a state and Spain has been somewhat vague.
Given their emphasis on traditional social components and local identities in particular, Spain was not necessarily identified with a Spanish state. Within this perspective the imperial dimension is ignored or rejected,  with focus not on conquest and subordination, but rather on community and shared values. Society did not elicit major interest of early Traditionalist theorists, or at least their interest was not formulated in terms of society, formatted rather as a discourse on tradition forming the community; it was in the late 19th century that the question of social fabric emerged on the forefront, which it keeps occupying until today.
Its understanding is founded on the concept of organicism: society is formed by a multitude of functional  or natural  communities — family being the primary and most important component  - and is not a set of individuals. These communities are described as joined in a multi-layer structure  organized by teleological principles, hierarchic and constantly interfacing with each other.
Another key difference between Traditionalist and non-Traditionalist, especially Liberal visions of society, stemmed from an idea of a social contract, a concept deemed absurd as by default subject to rejection;  the Traditionalist society was formed in course of historical development.
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A theory developed in the late 19th century was that of a social sovereignty. Neither king nor state nor political administration were entitled to tamper with them and were restrained in their powers by those very autonomous establishments. In the early 19th century this resembled more of a patchy feudal structure pitted against uniformity-driven modernization projects, in the early 21st century it seems rather comparable to devolution, subsidiarity and neo-medievalism in their post-modern incarnation.
In Traditionalist thought nation was a marginal concept, deemed originating from revolutionary fallacy and conveying defective theory of legitimacy built from bottom up. If used, the term "nation" stood for community united by common tradition rather than by ethnicity, as people were falling not into various nations but rather into various traditions  or, according to some, into various patrias. Though according to Traditionalist reading all political sovereignty rests with a king, his powers are limited and he is not considered free to declare his own understanding of these limitations at will; he is supposed to take into account the opinion of cuerpos intermedios.
Traditionalist theories tried to sort out the problem by different workarounds; one of them was that society is not sharing power, but rather is represented in front of the power. In line with the prevailing Traditionalist reading, representation should be channeled by cuerpos intermedios along what is usually considered a corporative pattern; Traditionalists preferred to name it an organic representation. A somewhat unclear question is this of Traditionalism and democracy. Understood in presently prevailing terms the two are clearly incompatible, as the former identified divine order and the latter the people as a source of public power.
Human Creation between Reality and Illusion
However, some key theorists admitted that it might be operational at the lowest community level, e. In principle fiercely hostile to tyrannical or despotic regimes exercising power beyond appropriate limits, some Traditionalist theorists acknowledged the sovereign right to coerce  and agreed — usually as a last resort applicable in extremis — to dictatorial rule.
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Some have even developed own theories of dictatorship; the one of the s was resemblant of a praetorian praxis,  while the one of the s was far closer to an authoritarian paradigm. Technically speaking territorial entities were just one out of many types of intermediary bodies making up a society; indeed in early Traditionalist writings they did not enjoy particular prominence and according to some scholars they were rather ignored.
In the full-blown doctrine fueros are considered primary rules constituting the state and by no means sort of a privilege, granted by central authority to specific territorial entities. Traditionalism has always struggled to make sure that its understanding of local identity is not confused with not necessarily identical concepts. The closest one is fuerismo, a term at times adopted by the Traditionalists, similarly focused on fueros but made distinct by its limitation to Vascongadas and Navarre , by downplaying the Spanish link and by revindication of pre, but not earlier laws.
Autonomous solutions were in principle rejected as reflecting the erroneous top-down logic and putting a state before a local entity; some also viewed autonomy of Catalonia or Basque Country as anti-foral because fueros were province-specific. As a political doctrine the Spanish Traditionalism did not develop its own economic theory. Explicit references are rare, either very general or very fragmented. There are no traceable specific references to economy in early Traditionalist writings, produced during the twilight of Spanish feudalism.
The first incursions into the area came upon implementation of revolutionary roots and gradual emergence of bourgeoisie.
Some early Traditionalist theorists voiced in defense of certain features of historical regime, especially huge religious landholdings, subject to massive expropriation project launched by the Liberal governments. However, it has never marginalized the concept of collective economy, be it in terms of ownership, usage or administration.
In rural conditions it resulted in focus on commons like pastures, meadows and forests;  in industrial terms it evolved into an attempt to replicate rural family order in the setting of an industrial enterprise, with employers and employees united in a joint management formula. Spanish Traditionalism is a political theory with over years of history; Traditionalists had to formulate their response to novelties like Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of and the European Constitution of Traditionalism co-existed with numerous political concepts, maintaining firm position towards some and adopting more erratic course towards the others.
Vehement hostility towards theories and political movements deemed revolutionary - especially Liberalism  though also Socialism , Communism and Anarchism  - remained the backbone of Traditionalist principles. In case of many other doctrines the relationship is not entirely clear, subject to different opinions of competent scholars, confusion in popular discourse or conscious manipulation in partisan political or cultural debate. There are not infrequent scholarly references to "Carlist absolutism"  or "absolutist Traditionalism",  usually applied to the early 19th century but at times even to the ;  in case closer references are provided, they usually point to Manifiesto de los Persas , dubbed "un verdadero alegato absolutista".
However, most scholars dwelling on Traditionalism remain at least cautious when discussing its proximity to Absolutism; the prevailing opinion is that the two offered highly competitive visions. Some relate birth of Traditionalism to mounting dissatisfaction with increasingly absolutist reforms of the 18th century.
Through much of the 19th century and even late into the 20th century the Traditionalists kept underlining their equidistant stand towards both a Constitutional and an Absolute monarchy. First, the former stood by the Spanish political tradition while the latter embraced 18th-century novelties imported from France. Second, the former rejected the principles of Enlightenment as ungodly human usurpation while the latter adopted them as theoretical foundation of absolutismo ilustrado.
Third, the former considered the monarch entrusted with execution of powers, limited by natural order, tradition and divine rules, while the latter tended to see him as a source of public power. There is general and rather unanimous understanding both in historiography and in political sciences that Traditionalism is heavily related to Carlism, though exact relationship between the two might be understood in widely different terms.
The version of this theory currently accepted by the Carlists themselves is that though not exclusively forming their outlook, Traditionalism combined with a theory of dynastic legitimacy  and a theory of Spanish historical continuity is one of 3 theoretical pillars of Carlism.
Apart from differing scholarly opinions on Traditionalism v. Carlism there is also confusion related to terminology and historical usage in popular discourse. It stems mostly from secessions which occurred within political movement and exclusive claims which various factions laid to Traditionalist credentials, though also from conscious attempts to manipulate public opinion. In terms of real-life politics the Spanish Conservatives from the onset remained largely at odds with the Traditionalists.
In terms of doctrinal affinity mutual relationship of the two is more ambiguous and difficult to capture. Traditionalism is not infrequently referred to as Conservative  or even Ultra-conservative  theory. Recent multi-dimensional typological attempt presents an ambiguous picture. The former understands politics as means of achieving missionary Catholic objectives, the latter as a technique of exercising public power. The former is founded on unalterable nucleus, the latter is in principle evolutionary.
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